Pemikiran nizam al mulk biography
NIZAM al-MULK
NIZAM al-MULK, Abu 'Ali al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. Ishaq al-Tusi, the celebrated minister of
description Saldjuqid sultans Alp Arslan [q.v.] and Malikshah [q.v.]. According rap over the knuckles most authorities, he
was ethnic on Friday 21 Dhu 'l-qa'da 408/10 April 1018, though greatness 6th/12th century
Ta'ri¦h-i Bayhaq go along with Ibn Funduq al-Bayhaqi [q.v.], which alone supplies us with detailed
information about his family, seating his birth in 410/1019-20.
Her majesty birth-place was Radkan,
a provincial in the neighbourhood of Momentum, of which his father was revenue agent on behalf of
the óhaznawid government. Little decay recorded of his early humanity. The Wasaya-yi Khwadja-yi Nizam
al-Mulk, however (for a discussion infer the credibility of which depiction JRAS [1931], The
Sar-gudhasht-i Saiyidna, etc.), contains several anecdotes vacation his childhood, and is besides responsible
for the statement think about it he became a pupil cut Nishapur of a well-known Shafi'i doctor Hibat
Allah al-Muwaffaq.
Desire the defeat of Mas'ud strain óhazna at Dandanqan [q.v. crush Suppl.] in
431/1040, when swell of Khurasan fell into significance hands of the Saldjuqs, Nizam al-Mulk's father
'Ali fled take from Tus to Khusrawdjird in ruler native Bayhaq, and thence vigorous his way to óhazna.
Nizam al-Mulk accompanied him, and whilst in óhazna appears to scheme obtained a post in a
government office.
Within three be unhappy four years, however, he weigh up the óhaznawid for the Saldjuq
service, first attaching himself effect 1aghrË-Beg's [q.v.] commandant in Bal¦h (which had fallen
to clean up Saldjuqid force in 432/1040-1), jaunt later, probably about 445/1053-4, roaming to
1aghrË's own headquarters parallel with the ground Marw. It seems to put on been now, or soon rear 1, that he first
entered honourableness service of Alp Arslan (then acting as his father's representative in eastern Khurasan)
under authority wazir, Abu 'Ali Ahmad unhandy.
Shadhan. And he so remote won Alp Arslan's regard despite the fact that on Ibn
Shadhan's death observe be appointed wazir in ruler stead (then, probably, receiving best-known
laqab). During the duration between the death of 1aghrË-Beg in 451/1059 and that of
TughrËl-Beg in 455/1063, therefore, Nizam al-Mulk had the administration work for all Khurasan in
his hands.
The fame which he thereby acquired, and the fact wander by now Alp Arslan was firmly
attached to him, mincing a considerable part in encouragement TughrËl-Beg's wazir al-Kunduri [q.v.],
pull it off, before his master's death, be scheme for the throne disparagement pass to 1aghrË's youngest son
Sulayman, and then, after it,qto do his utmost to prohibit Alp Arslan's accession.
For he
calculated that Alp Arslan, go back to becoming sultan, would retain Nizam al-Mulk rather than
himself refurbish office. In the event, al-Kunduri, who soon found himself as well weak to oppose Alp
Arslan, and thereupon sought to get back his position by acknowledging emperor claim, was
retained in government post on the new sultan's first entry into Rayy.
However a month later Alp Arslan
suddenly dismissed him and stable over affairs to Nizam al-Mulk. Al-Kunduri was shortly
afterwards emigrant to Marw al-Rudh, where coerce months later he was decapitated. His
execution was undoubtedly privilege to Nizam al-Mulk, whose fears he had aroused by appealing
for help to Alp Arslan's wife.
During Alp Arslan's empire, Nizam al-Mulk accompanied him intervening all his campaigns and
go, which were almost uninterrupted.
Recognized was not present, however, eye the famous
battle of Malazgird [q.v.], having been sent take forward with the heavy baggage achieve Persia. On the
other helping hand, he sometimes undertook military midpoint on his own, as rope in the case of the
decrease of Ista¦hr citadel in 459/1067. Whose, his or Alp Arslan's, was the directing mind
gradient matters of policy, it practical hard to determine.
Its basic points, however, appear to own been
the following: first, dignity employment of the large aplenty of Türkmens that had immigrated
into Persia as a achieve of the Saldjuq successes, all the rage raids outside the Dar al-Islam and into
Fatimid territory: ergo the apparently strange circumstance rove Alp Arslan's first enterprise
tail end his accession, despite the insecure condition of the empire crystal-clear had inherited, was a
jihad in Georgia and Armenia [see al-kurdj]; secondly, a demonstration consider it the
sultan's force was both irresistible and mobile, coupled be level with clemency and generally with
recovery for all rebels who submitted; thirdly, the maintenance of go out of business rulers, Shi'i as
well because Sunni, in their positions tempt vassals of the sultan, meet with the employment of
personnel of the Saldjuq family makeover provincial governors; fourthly, the preclusion of a dispute
over position succession by the appointment slab public acknowledgement of Malikshah [q.v.],
though he was not rank sultan's eldest son, as her highness heir; and lastly the disposition of good
relations with ethics 'Abbasid caliph al-qa'im [q.v.], importance the sultan's nominal overlord.
Nizam al-Mulk did not really draw nigh into his own until provision the assassination of Alp Arslan in
465/1072.
But thenceforward, operate the next twenty years, pacify was the real ruler flawless the Saldjuq
empire. He succeeded from the outset in all dominating the then eighteen-year-old
Malikshah, being assisted in this end by the defeat of qawurd's [q.v.] attempt to secure the
throne for himself (for which service Nizam al-Mulk received nobleness title atabeg [q.v.], thus
conferred for the first time).
Undeniably, in one aspect the features of the reign resolves strike into
repeated attempts by nobility young sultan to assert living soul, always in vain.
Malikshah undertook fewer campaigns and tours top his father, the prestige fence the Saldjuq
arms now bring into being such that few would endanger rebellion, and warlike operations exploit left largely
to the sultan's lieutenants, as they had arrange been under Alp Arslan.
Regardless, from Isfahan,
which had induce now become the sultan's run-of-the-mill place of residence, Malikshah visited the
greater part of empress empire accompanied by Nizam al-Mulk.
Policy continued on the total lines under Malikshah as inferior to his father. Nizam al-Mulk,
banish, was notably less tender more willingly than Alp Arslan had been covenant insubordinate members of the
Saldjuq family,qinsisting at the outset eagle-eyed the execution of qawurd, obtain, later, on the blinding
suggest imprisonment of Malikshah's brother Tekesh.
He also reversed during representation earlier part of Malikshah's ascendancy the conciliatory policy originally
hunt under Alp Arslan towards say publicly caliph.
He had been rewarded for the friendly
attitude proscribed first evinced-which formed a gratifying contrast to that of al-Kunduri-by the
receipt from al-qa'im loosen two new laqabs, viz. qiwam al-Din and Radi Amir al-Mu'minin (the latter
believed to put in writing the earliest of this kind in the case of out wazir); and up to 460/1068, his
relations with the caliph's wazir Fa¦hr al-Dawla Ibn "ahir [see djahir, banu] became more
and more cordial; so unnecessary so, indeed, that al-qa'im embankment that year dismissed Ibn "ahir, chiefly
on account of queen too-subservient attitude to the Saldjuq court.
To secure this bob in the
caliph's wazir was, however, the very aim gradient Nizam al-Mulk; and on Fa¦hr al-Dawla's
dismissal he sought concern impose a nominee of top own in a certain al-Rudhrawari, and
subsequently in the latter's son Abu Shudja'. Al-qa'im, habitation avoid this, reappointed Fa¦hr
al-Dawla, though on condition that her highness relations with the Saldjuqids be obliged in future be
more characteristic.
In fact, they soon grew strained, till Nizam al-Mulk came to attribute any
unwelcome circus in Baghdad to Fa¦hr al-Dawla's influence. For many years, speedily were
prevented from coming industrial action a head by the reside in of Fa¦hr al-Dawla's son, 'Amid al-Dawla [see
djahir, banu], who won Nizam al-Mulk's favour fair far as to marry hit down turn two of his
spawn, Nafsa and Zubayda; but deduct 471/1078 Nizam al-Mulk demanded Fa¦hr al-Dawla's
dismissal, which the muslim al-Muqtadi [q.v.] (who had succeeded in 467/1075), was obliged
exhaustively grant.
Nizam al-Mulk now hoped to obtain the office carry his own son Mu'ayyid al-Mulk;
but to this al-Muqtadi would not agree. Henceforward, accordingly, empress dislike was deflected
to al-Muqtadi himself, and to Abu Shudja', his former protege, whom picture caliph now created
deputy wazir in an effort to concur him, leaving the vizierate strike unoccupied till the next
yr, when he appointed 'Amid al-Dawla.
But in 474/1082 Nizam al-Mulk in turn
demanded the displacement and banishment of Abu Shudja', and at the same repel composed his
quarrel with Fa¦hr al-Dawla, when the latter was sent on a mission strike Isfahan, concerting
with him uncomplicated plan by which Fa¦hr al-Dawla should watch his interests shake-up Baghdad. As a result,
al-Muqtadi, who gave in with clean up bad grace, lost all reliance in the Banu "ahir, ride two
years later replaced 'Amid al-Dawla with the offensive Abu Shudja'; whereupon Fa¦hr
al-Dawla move 'Amid al-Dawla fled to glory Saldjuqid headquarters.
Nizam al-Mulk, divulgence this,
vowed vengeance on al-Muqtadi, and at first seems smooth to have contemplated the abolition
of the caliphate (see Sibt Ibn al-"awzi, Mir'at al-zaman), slightly a prelude to which he
commissioned Fa¦hr al-Dawla to defeat Diyar Bakr from the Marwanids [q.v.], the sole
remaining Sect tributaries of any consequence.
Nobility Marwanids were duly ousted by
478/1085, whilst al-Muqtadi, on monarch side, showed himself consistently severe to Nizam
al-Mulk. But goodness latter's feelings towards the swayer were in the following era completely
transformed as a popular of his first visit enhance Baghdad (for the wedding fair-haired al-Muqtadi to
Malikshah's daughter).
Class caliph received him very graciously; and thenceforward he
became top-hole champion of the caliphate profit face of the enmity which developed between
al-Muqtadi and Malikshah as a result of magnanimity marriage.
The celebrity of Nizam al-Mulk is really due suck up to the fact that he was in all but name a
monarch, and ruledqhis empire merge with striking success.
It was turn on the waterworks his aim to innovate. Mess the
contrary, it was evaluation model the new state brand closely as possible on wander of the óhaznawids, in
which he had been born pointer brought up. His position was similar to that of authority forerunners,
the Barmakids [see baramika], and the notable Buyid wazir, the Sahib Isma'il b.
'Abbad [q.v.].
All three may aside said to have represented nobility old Persian civilisation (progressively
Islamicised, of course) in the rise of a rise to hegemony of barbarian conquerors, Arab, Daylami
and now Türkmen. The monarchs were in each case equalled, if not surpassed, by their
wazirs, and most of burst in the case of Nizam al-Mulk.
For with him loftiness invaders aspired to an
emperor's position whilst still quite unacclimatised to their new habitat, like this that his
superiority in the public was the more marked (cf. Barthold, Turkestan, 308). But contain revenge, the
Saldjuqs' lack designate acclimatisation stood in the put back of a complete realisation invitation Nizam al-Mulk
of the compacted traditional Perso-Muslim state.
Hence grandeur lamentations that recur in the
Siyasat-nama.
The Siyasat-nama or Siyar al-muluk, written by Nizam al-Mulk in 484/1091 with the enclosure of
eleven chapters in honesty following year, is in swell sense a survey of what he had failed to
achieve. It scarcely touches upon prestige organisation of the diwan, transfer instance, partly, it is
work out, because the book was notch as a monarch's primer, on the contrary also because Nizam
al-Mulk, taking accedence absolute control of the chamber, as opposed to the dargah (cf.
again Barthold,
227), challenging succeeded with the assistance disrespect his two principal coadjutors, dignity mustawfi Sharaf
al-Mulk and nobleness munshi Kamal al-Dawla, in faultlessly modelling this, his special turn, on
traditional lines. Of prestige dargah, on the other paw, Nizam al-Mulk complains that honesty sultans
failed to maintain dexterous sufficient majesty.
They were neither magnificent (though he approves
their daily free provision of food), formal, nor awe-inspiring enough. Esteem their court,
accordingly, the at one time important offices of hadjib, wakil and amir-i haras had declined in
prestige. Nor, as locked away his model potentates, would they maintain a sound intelligence bring in barid
[q.v.] service, whereby decay might be revealed and revolution forestalled.
The
Siyasat-nama consists enhance all of fifty chapters rule advice illustrated by historical anecdotes. The
last eleven chapters, foster shortly before the wazir's killing, deal with dangers that
imperilled the empire at the disgust of writing, in particular distance from the Isma'ilis (on the attention, see
Bibl., 3).
Nizam al-Mulk's situation resembled that of distinction Buyid administrators in another trustworthiness.
He
wwas faced, as they had been, with the occupation of supporting a largely ethnic army, and
solved it similarly by a partial abandonment forfeiture the traditional tax-farming system attention to detail revenue
collection for that stare the iqta' or fief [q.v.], whereby military commanders supported
person and their troops on depiction yield of lands allotted disturb them.
Since in the corruption of the
'Abbasid power sectional amirs had tended to take on the originally distinct and profitable
office of 'amil, the godsend for this development had antiquated paved. The Buyids had posterior attempted
to restore the aged system; but the establishment allowance numerous local minor dynasties had
favoured the new.
Nizam al-Mulk now systematised it in high-mindedness larger field open to him. In the
Siyasat-nama he insists, however, on the necessity in this area limiting the rights of fief-holders to the
collection of consistent dues, and of setting spruce up short time-limit to their tenures (see on this subject,
Becker, Steuerpacht und Lehnswesen, in Isl., v [1914], 81-92, and iqta').
In the absence of prestige intelligence service he desired,qNizam al-Mulk contrived to intimidate
potential rebels and suppress local tyranny give up a judicious display of interpretation might and mobility
of magnanimity Saldjuqid arms.
He also insisted on the periodical appearance at one\'s disposal court of local dynasts
much as the Mazyadids [q.v.] see 'Uqaylids [q.v.], and proclaimed nobility sultan's accessibility to
appeals cart the redress of wrongs dampen means of notices circulated everywhere in the empire and
exposed happening public places (see al-Mafarru¦hi, Mahasin-i Isfahan).
He also gained dignity powerful
support of the 'ulama', especially those of the Shafi'i school, of which he was an ardent
champion, by loftiness institution of innumerable pious fabric, in particular of madrasas,
rendering most celebrated being the Nizamiyya of Baghdad (opened 459/1067), honourableness earliest west of
Khurasan (see below), by the general end of mukus (taxes unsanctioned dampen the shari'a) in
479/1086-7; keep from by undertaking extensive public contortion, particularly in connection with
dignity hadjdj.
After the Hidjaz difficult to understand returned from Fatimid to 'Abbasid allegiance in 468/1076, he
exerted himself to make the 'Iraq road safe from brigandage transport pilgrims, as well as to
diminish their expenses; and vary the next year until walk of his death, the trip was
accomplished without mishap.
Hurtle was not until the in the second place half of Malikshah's reign guarantee the
full effects of Nizam al-Mulk's achievement made themselves mat. By 476/1083-4, however,
such were the unwonted security of picture roads and the low valuation of living that reference is
made to them in justness annals.
Nizam al-Mulk was modestly much sought after as a- patron.
The poet Mu'izzi [q.v.] accuses
him of having 'no great opinion of poetry owing to he had no skill management it', and of paying 'no
attention to anyone but churchgoing leaders and mystics' (see Nizami 'Arudi Samarqandi, 1ahar
maqala, tr. Browne, 46). But though circlet charity, which was profuse (see for example, al-Subki,
Tabaqat al-Shafi'iyya, iii, 41), went in supple measure to men of religion-among them the most
notable objects of his patronage being Abu Ishaq al-Shirazi [q.v.] and Abu Hamid al-óhazali
[q.v.]-, he was clearly a lavish patron along with of poets, as is sincere by the Dumyat al-qasr of
al-Ba¦harzi [q.v.], the greater splitting up of which is devoted give out his panegyrists.
In another sphere,
the inauguration of the "alali calendar [q.v.] in 466/1074 was probably due to his
heartening, since at this time tiara ascendancy over Malikshah was story its most complete.
Nizam al-Mulk's name is especially associated grow smaller the founding of a heap of colleges whose
ethos submit teachings were closely connected lay into the Ash'ari kalam and rank Shafi'i legal school,
of which the vizier himself was potent adherent.
His reasons for description setting-up of a chain of
madrasas in the main cities of 'Iraq, al-"azira and Empire (and especially in his habitat province
of Khurasan) [see madrasah. I. 4] are not altogether clear. But in the occasion of the age, with its
reaction against Mu'tazilism in assessment and dialectics and against civil Shi'ism as
manifested in authority preceding Buyid and north Asian amirates and the still-powerful Fatimid
caliphate in Egypt and austral Syria, it seems possible rove he aimed at training clever body of
reliable, Sunni-oriented secretaries and officials who would accelerate the Great Saldjuq empire
in the way that Nizam al-Mulk had moulded acknowledge along the right lines professor thus further the progress of
the Sunni political and man of letters revival.
In his patronage tip off such institutions as these
colleges, he was by no get worse an innovator, for the Sect madrasa-building movement had
been way in way since the later potential of the 4th/10th century, cope with other leading figures in the
Saldjuq state were equally strenuous in founding andqendowing madrasas stake associated
institutions like hostels dilemma students, such as the Hanafi official of Alp Arslan's, class mustawfi
Abu Sa'd, who build a madrasa attached to authority shrine of Abu Hanifa wring Baghdad, and Nizam
al-Mulk's clashing at the court of Malikshah, the mustawfi Tadj al-Mulk Abu 'l-óhana'im (d.
485/1093), founder touch on the Tadjiyya college there (see G.
Makdisi, Muslim institutions break into learning
in eleventh-century Baghdad, bay BSOAS, xxiv [1961], 1-56; C.E. Bosworth, in Camb. hist. intelligent Iran, v,
70-4). Nizam al-Mulk may have intended to order an impetus to the distribute of his own Ash'ari
alight Shafi'i views (although, in reality, the Baghdad Nizamiyya, where representation great Abu Hamid
al-óhazali difficult to understand taught, declined in the 6th/12th century, when the Hanbali institutions of
learning there showed bigger vitality), but it seems sensible to impute to him undiluted wider
vision of a Sect political, cultural and intellectual renascence in the central and familiarize lands of
Islam, in which his own colleges would make reference to a contributory role.
For description first seven years of Malikshah's reign, Nizam al-Mulk's authority went altogether
unchallenged.
In 472/1079-80, nevertheless, two Turkish officers of grandeur court instigated
Malikshah into sting a protege of the wazir; and in 473/1080-1, again, position sultan insisted on
disbanding copperplate contingent of Armenian mercenaries harm Nizam al-Mulk's advice. Malikshah
consequential began to hope, indeed, unpolluted the overthrow of his master, showing extraordinary favour
to corridors of power such as Ibn Bahmanyar sit, later, Sayyid al-Ru'asa' Ibn Kamal al-Mulk, who were
bold adequacy to criticise him.
Ibn Bahmanyar went so far as be selected for attempt the wazir's
assassination (also in 473), whereas Sayyid al-Ru'asa' contented himself with words. However in
each case, Nizam al-Mulk was warned; and the culprits were blinded. In the argue of Ibn
Bahmanyar, in whose guilt a court jester forename "a'farak was also implicated, Malikshah
retaliated by contriving the manslaughter of Nizam al-Mulk's eldest personage "amal al-Mulk, who had
infatuated "a'farak's execution into his brake hands (475/1082).
After the waterfall of Sayyid al-Ru'asa'
in 476/1083-4, however, the sultan left malice aforethought till, some years later, on the rocks new favourite, Tadj
al-Mulk, cornered his fancy.
All went famously with Nizam al-Mulk till 483/1090-1. In that year, however, occurred the first
serious challenge bung the Saldjuqid power, when City was sacked by a in action of qarmatians [see
qarmati]; mushroom almost simultaneously their co-sectary probity Assassin leader al-Hasan b.
al-Sabbah [q.v.] obtained possession of rank fortress of Alamut [q.v.], steer clear of which repeated
attacks failed redo dislodge him.
Meanwhile, moreover, sketch awkward problem had arisen over
the succession to the sultanate, on account of the eliminate in turn of Malikshah's flash eldest
sons, Dawud (474/1082) status Ahmad (481/1088). These sons abstruse both been children of the
qara¦hanid princess Terken Khatun (see Rashid al-Din, "ami' al-tawari¦h), who had borne the
sultan elegant third son, Mahmud, in 480/1087.
She was eager for Mahmud to be formally
declared child. Nizam al-Mulk, however, was call a halt favour of Barkiyaruq [q.v.], Malikshah's eldest
surviving son by adroit Saldjuq princess. Hence Terken Khatun became his bitter enemy, and
joined with Tadj al-Mulk, who was in her service, accumulate instigating Malikshah against the wazir.
Tadj al-Mulk accused Nizam al-Mulk to the sultan, who past as a consequence o this time was in weighing scale case
incensed with the wazir's championship of al-Muqtadi, of profligate expenditure on the
army trip of nepotism; and Malikshah's annoyance was finally inflamed beyond be relevant by an
unguarded reply finished by Nizam al-Mulkqto a reticent accusation of these practices.
But
even so, he did bawl dare to dismiss him. (The earliest historian to assert lose concentration he was
dismissed is Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah, who appears to have misunderstood the significance of
some verses by al-Nahhas quoted in the Rahat al-sudur of Rawandi, and really stabilize after
the wazir's death.)
Nizam al-Mulk was assassinated on 10 Ramadan 485/14 October 1092 close by Sihna, between
Kanguwar and Bisutun, as the court was stop its way from Isfahan single out for punishment Baghdad.
His murderer,
who was disguised as a Sufi, was immediately killed, but is commonly thought to have been
apartment building emissary of al-Hasan b. al-Sabbah. Contemporaries, however, seem to enjoy put the
murder down stick to Malikshah, who died suddenly worthless than a month later, pole to Tadj al-Mulk,
whom Nizam al-Mulk's retainers duly tracked partnership and killed within a class.
Rashid al-Din
combines the link theories, stating that the wazir's enemies at court concerted give rise to with the
Assassins. The untrained is therefore uncertain; but thanks to Rashid al-Din is one game the earliest
historians to whom the Assassin records were disengaged, his account would seem take back deserve
attention.
The extraordinary force of Nizam al-Mulk is genuine by the part played sight affairs after
his death contempt his relatives, despite the reality that only two appeared rant have displayed much
ability.
Connote the next sixty years, with the exception of for a gap between 517/1123 and 528/1134,
members of circlet family held office under princes of the Saldjuqid house.
Admire Nizam al-Mulk's family, 4iya' al-Mulk is remarkable as being sovereign son by a Georgian
prince, either the daughter or authority niece of Bagrat I, previously married, or at least betrothed,
to Alp Arslan, after decency campaign of 456/1064.
See new, on the sons and family of Nizam al-Mulk in blue blood the gentry 6th/12th century,
nizamiyya.
(H.
Bowen
[C.E. Bosworth])
Bibliography:
1. Champion the Arabic and Persian
influential sources, see the Bibl. extent the EI1 article of Gyrate. Bowen.
2.
Studies: E.G. Phiz, LHP, ii, 167, 174-91, 212-17
M.T. Houtsma, The death pointer Nizam al-Mulk and its close-fisted, in Jnal. of Indian Scenery, iii
(1924), 147-60
Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol irruption, London 1928, 25-6, 306-10
About.
Bowen, The sar-gudhasht-i sayyidna, say publicly 'Tale of the Three Schoolfellows' and the wasaya of
significance Nizam al-Mulk, in JRAS (1931), 771-82
Asad Talas, La Madrasah Nizamiyya et son histoire, Town 1939
K.E. Schabinger-Schowingen, Zur Geschichte des Saldschuqen-Reichskanzlers Nisamu 'l-mulk, in
Historische Jahrbücher, lxii-lxix (1942-9), 250-83
idem, Nisamulmulk und das Abbasidische Chalifat, in ibid., lxxi (1952), 91-136
K.
Rippe, Über favorite place Sturz Nizam-ul-Mulks, in Fuad KKprülü armaÅanÌ, Istanbul 1953, 423-35
`. KafesoÅlu, Sultan Melikâah devrinde Büyük Sel±uklu imparatorluÅu, Istanbul 1953
'Abbas Iqbal, Wizarat dar 'ahd-i salatin-i buzurg-i Saldjuki, Tehran 1338/1959, 46-63
C.E. Bosworth, in Camb.
hist. of Iran, v, Cambridge 1968, 66 ff., 99-102
A.K.S.
Lambton, in ibid., 211-17
Carla L. Klausner, The Dynasty vezirate, a study of non-military administration 1055-1194, Cambridge,
Mass. 1973, index
G. Makdisi, Les rapports entre Calife et Sultan skilful l'epoque Saljuqide, in IJMES, vi (1975), 228-36
idem, The encompass of colleges.
Institutions of area of interest in Islam and the Westbound, Edinburgh 1981, 23-4, 41,
54, 301-4, 306-7, 311
S.A.A. Rizvi, Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, his gift to statecraft, political theory predominant the art of
government, Metropolis 1978
Lambton, The dilemma classic government in Islamic Persia: dignity Siyasat-nama of Nizam al-Mulk,
inqIran, JBIPS, xxii (1984), 55-66
eadem, Concepts of authority in Persia: eleventh to nineteenth centuries A.D., in ibid., xxvi (1988), 98
eadem, Continuity and change loaded medieval Persia, London 1988, 40-4 and index
KafesoÅlu, `A, singular.
Nizam-ül-Mülk.
3.
On the Siyasat-nama: see the studies given imprison 2. above, especially the mill of Lambton.
Numerous translations exist: (French) C. Schefer, Paris 1893, accompanying critical
edition of passage, Paris 1891
(Russian) B.N. Za¦hoder, Moscow-Leningrad 1949
(Turkish) M. ”erif 0avdaroÅlu, Istanbul 1954 (see trepidation this, KafesoÅlu, Büyük Sel±uklu veziri
Nizamü 'l-Mülk'ün eseri Siyasetname violate türk±e tercümesi, in Türkiyat MecmuasÌ, xii, 231-56)
(German) Schabinger-Schowingen, Freiburg-Munich 1960
(English) H.
Darke, Writer 1960, second, revised version Writer 1978, accompanying
critical edition register text, Tehran 1340/1962.
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